Limitazione delle politiche migratorie.

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(English below, A?a??da Türkçe olarak)

[FR] COMMUNIQUE DE PRESSE CONJOINT
FIDH-REMDH-Migreurop
18/11/2013

Grèce-Turquie : « la route est dangereuse, des gens meurent»

Gravité de la situation - limites des politiques migratoires en Europe

Le renforcement des contrôles à la frontière gréco-turque oblige les personnes fuyant des conflits à prendre des routes de plus en plus dangereuses. Ceux et celles qui arrivent à traverser cette frontière européenne sont souvent victimes de refoulement, sont systématiquement enfermé.e.s. à leur arrivée dans des conditions inhumaines et dégradantes. L'Union européenne répond en renforçant les moyens de surveillance et d'interception, alors que l'urgence est à l'accueil et non à la criminalisation.

Tels sont les constats de nos organisations au retour d'une mission d'enquête en Grèce et en Turquie, où notre délégation a pu accéder à des centres de détention en Grèce et interviewer des personnes migrantes et réfugiées et relevé une série de violations avérées des droits des personnes à la frontière. Aucun des acteurs rencontrés durant notre mission et impliqués dans les différentes étapes du contrôle migratoire à la frontière gréco-turque ne peut ignorer cette situation.

En Grèce, les témoignages abondent de personnes victimes de refoulement par les gardes-côtes grecs, que ce soit en pleine mer, ou même une fois posé le pied sur le sol européen*. Ces gens n'apparaissent pas dans les statistiques. La délégation a pu s'entretenir avec ces invisibles qui ont témoigné des violences exercées par des gardes-côtes qui les brutalisent (femmes enceintes et enfants compris), et les volent (bijoux, argent, portables), en jetant leurs documents d'identité à l'eau, et les rejettent à la mer vers les côtes turques.

La réforme du droit de l’immigration et de l’asile en cours, censée remédier aux défaillances systémiques plusieurs fois sanctionnées par les cours européennes, cache mal la cacophonie qui règne sur l’identification des responsabilités une fois les migrant.e.s intercepté.e.s. Celles et ceux qui parviennent à rester sur le territoire sont enfermé.e.s sytématiquement par les autorités, y compris les mineurs non-accompagnés le temps de leur identification. La Grèce vient à nouveau d'être condamnée à ce propos. A celles et ceux qui sont libérés, la Grèce délivre une obligation de quitter le territoire sous 30 jours, aucun droit sur le territoire. Le taux d'acceptation des demandes d'asile est très faible et les attaques racistes en constante augmentation.
Afghans, Irakiens, Somaliens, Soudanais, Erythréens, Syriens, Palestiniens sont pris en étau entre la Grèce et la Turquie et utilisées comme faire valoir d'une politique de contrôle des frontières que l'Europe encourage.

En Turquie, l’adoption d’une loi sur les étrangers et la protection internationale en avril 2014 n’atténue que peu les craintes des associations notamment sur l’évolution des pratiques et l’obstination turque au maintien des réserves géographiques à la convention de Genève de 1951 qui écarte de la demande d’asile tous les ressortissants non européens. Annonciatrice de nombreux progrès, la nouvelle loi n’en demeure pas moins un miroir inquiétant des travers juridiques bien présents dans le droit européen qu’elle se targue de reproduire (multiplication des procédures accélérées des demandes d’asile ; enfermement pour les personnes en attente de leur renvoi jusqu’à 12 mois) Ces réformes sont le signe que la Turquie amorce un virage « à l’européenne » sans offrir toutes les garanties du respect des droits des personnes : difficile accès à la procédure d’asile notamment pour les personnes en centre de rétention, pas de loi sur la protection des données personnelles, enfermement des mineurs et des familles, absence d’accès à l'aide juridictionnelle. De plus, les autorités ont expulsé des centaines de syriens dès qu’ils ont commencé à arriver en Turquie. L’ambition de cette réforme trouve ses limites dans les manquements structurels de la Turquie à ses obligations internationales. Mais elle butte aussi face au nombre important de celles et ceux qui ne peuvent entrer légalement en Europe et dont la Turquie a, in fine, la charge.

Que fait l'Europe ? Comment se positionne alors l’agence Frontex et derrière elle les institutions européennes lorsqu’elles sont témoins et participent, à tout le moins indirectement, à ces violations des droits humains?

A l’instar de Lampedusa, l'Union européenne a proposé à la Grèce un soutien essentiellement orienté sur la présence depuis plusieurs années de l'agence européenne de surveillance des frontières, Frontex, à la frontière maritime et terrestre gréco-turque. Cette présence n’a pourtant modifié ni les conditions d’accueil des migrants, ni la dangerosité de cette route migratoire. Et les violations des droits des personnes à la frontière continuent.

Du côté turc, la situation particulièrement préoccupante des migrant.e.s ne semble en aucun cas être un frein à la négociation d'un accord de réadmission entre l'UE et la Turquie, au financement de la construction de lieux d'enfermement, ni à la perspective d'une coopération entre les autorités turques et Frontex.

Ces dernières semaines, la tragédie au large des côtes de Lampedusa semble avoir réveillé les consciences sur la détresse des migrant.e.s qui essaient d’atteindre le territoire européen. L’UE envisage maintenant d’augmenter les capacités de Frontex pour faire face à cette situation. Or, nos organisations n’ont eu de cesse de répéter que la détresse des migrant.e.s et la dangerosité de leurs routes sont étroitement liées à l’absence d’alternative pour accéder au territoire européen, et aux conditions d’accueil insuffisantes à l'intérieur et aux frontières de l’Europe.

Le contrôle aux frontières ne sauve pas des vies mais conduit à la violation des droits - si ce n'est à la mort- d'hommes, de femmes et d'enfants.

Le rapport de la mission sera rendu public au premier trimestre 2014.

FIDH, REMDH, Migreurop

Associations soutenant ce communiqué de presse : ABCDS Oujda (Maroc), AMDH (Mauritanie), AMDH (Maroc), AME  (Mali), ARACEM (Mali), ARCI (Italie), CIRÉ (Belgique), CNCD 11.11.11. (Belgique), Fasti (France), FIDH (international), GADEM (Maroc), GISTI (France), GRAMI AC (réseau régional basé au Cameroun), Justice Sans Frontières Migrants (réseau euro africain), La Cimade (France), LDH Belgique, Migreurop (Europe Afrique), Progress Lawyer Network (Belgique), REMDH (régional-euro-méditerranéen)


* « Pushed back, systematic human rights violations against refugees in the Aegean sea and at the Greek Turkish borders”, Pro Asyl, novembre 2013 http://www.proasyl.de/fileadmin/fm-dam/l_EU_Fluechtlingspolitik/pushed_back_web_01.pdf

[EN] JOINT PRESS RELEASE
FIDH-REMDH-Migreurop
18/11/2013

Greece - Turkey: ‘The route is dangerous, people are dying’
The tragic limits of European migration policies

Tighter controls at the border between Greece and Turkey are forcing many people fleeing conflict to use increasingly dangerous routes. Migrants who manage to reach the EU border have been victims of push-backs and those who cross over into Greece are systematically detained on arrival, in inhuman and degrading conditions. The response of the European Union is to strengthen means of surveillance and interception. There is an urgent need to shift the focus away from criminalisation to the conditions of reception of migrants.

These are the conclusions of a fact-finding mission to Greece and Turkey, where our delegation was able to interview refugees and migrants and access several Greek detention centres. The delegation observed widespread violations of human rights at the borders, which cannot be ignored by the various bodies involved in migration control at the Greek-Turkish border.

In Greece, many victims report having been pushed back by Greek coastguards at sea or even upon reaching European soil*. These victims do not find their way into statistics. The delegation was able to meet with some of these invisible people, who gave details of acts of violence perpetrated by coastguards: ill-treatment (including of pregnant women and children), theft (jewellery, money, mobile phones), confiscation of identity papers which are often thrown overboard and boats pushed back towards Turkish coasts.

Reforms to migration and asylum laws are under-way, aimed at addressing systemic failures which have been repeatedly condemned by European courts. Yet, confusion reigns over responsibility for intercepted migrants. Those who manage to remain on Greek territory are systematically detained by the authorities, including unaccompanied minors awaiting identification – a practice for which Greece has recently been condemned. Migrants who are released are given an order to leave within 30 days. They have no rights on Greek territory. The rate of acceptance of asylum claims is very low and racist attacks are steadily increasing.

Afghans, Iraqis, Somalis, Sudanese, Eritreans, Syrians, Palestinians are trapped between Greece and Turkey. Both countries, with Europe's support, use the presence of these populations as a justification for increasingly repressive border control policies.

In Turkey, the adoption of a new law on immigration and international protection, which will come into force in April 2014, has done little to alleviate concerns regarding violations of migrants' human rights. Turkey maintains geographical reservations to the 1951 Geneva Convention on the status of refugees, which exclude non-Europeans from asylum claims. Although it has been heralded as a sign progress, the new law reproduces many of the legal shortcomings of European law (increased use of accelerated procedures for asylum claims; detention of persons pending return for up to 12 months). These reforms are a sign that Turkey is taking a 'European turn', without meeting international human rights obligations. Among the most serious violations: difficulty in accessing asylum procedures in particular for persons in detention centres, absence of laws on the protection of personal data, detention of minors and families, lack of access to legal aid. Since the first arrivals, the Turkish authorities have forcibly returned hundreds of Syrian refugees to Syria. The impact of the reform has been limited by structural failures to meet international obligations, but also by the fact that Turkey is forced to bear final responsibility for people who have no legal possibilities to enter the EU.

What is Europe doing? What is the position of the European Agency for border management, Frontex, and the European institutions behind it, as they witness and participate, at least indirectly, in these violations?

The EU's support to Greece over the past several years on migration issues has been primarily focused on strengthening the presence of Frontex, at the sea and land borders between Greece and Turkey. However, the presence of Frontex has made no difference to the reception conditions of migrants. Nor has it addressed the risks for migrants taking this route, while human rights violations persist at the border.

The gravity of the situation of migrants in Turkey appears to be no obstacle to the EU's negotiation of a readmission agreement with Turkey, the funding of detention centres, or future cooperation opportunities between Turkish authorities and Frontex.

Over the past few weeks, the tragedy that took place at the shores of Lampedusa seems to have raised awareness about the distress faced by migrants trying to reach the European continent. To address this situation, the EU is now considering increasing the capacity of Frontex. However, our organizations have tirelessly warned that the misery of migrants and the risky nature of the routes they take are linked to the lack of alternatives to access EU territory and to unsatisfactory reception conditions within European borders.

Increased border control does not save lives but leads instead to grave human rights violations and even deaths of women, men and children.

The mission report will be released in the first quarter of 2014.

FIDH, EMHRN, Migreurop.

NGOs supporting this press release: ABCDS Oujda (Morocco), AMDH (Mauritania), AMDH (Morocco), AME  (Mali), ARACEM (Mali), ARCI (Italy), CIRÉ (Belgium), CNCD 11.11.11. (Belgium), Fasti (France), GADEM (Morocco), GISTI (France), GRAMI AC (network based in Cameroun), Justice Without Borders for Migrants (Euro african network), La Cimade (France), LDH Belgium, Progress Lawyer Network (Belgium)

* « Pushed back, systematic human rights violations against refugees in the Aegean sea and at the Greek Turkish borders”, Pro Asyl, November 2013
http://www.proasyl.de/fileadmin/fm-dam/l_EU_Fluechtlingspolitik/pushed_back_web_01.pdf

[TR] Ortak Bas?n Aç?klamas?

FIDH-REMDH-Migreurop
18/11/2013


Yunanistan – Türkiye: “Tehlikeli güzergah, insanlar ölüyor.”
Ciddi bir durum - Avrupa göç politikalar?n?n s?n?rlar?

Yunanistan ve Türkiye aras?ndaki s?n?r?n daha s?k? kontrolü, çat??madan kaçan birçok insan? giderek artan biçimde tehlikeli rotalar kullanmaya zorluyor. AB s?n?r?na ula?may? ba?aranlar s?kl?kla geri çevriliyor ve Yunanistan s?n?r?n? geçenler ise var?r varmaz sistematik olarak insanl?k d??? ve küçültücü ko?ullarda tutuluyor. Avrupa Birli?i bu geli?melere gözetim ve durdurma uygulamas?n? güçlendirerek cevap veriyor. Ancak ?u anda acil bir kabul uygulamas?na ihtiyaç var, bu durumu kriminalize etmeye de?il.

Bunlar kurumumuzun Yunanistan ve Türkiye’de gerçekle?tirdi?i ve heyetimizin Yunanistan’daki çe?itli gözalt? merkezlerine eri?erek mülteci ve göçmenlerle mülakat yapabildi?i inceleme gezisi sonucu elde etti?i bulgular. Heyet s?n?rlarda Yunan-Türk s?n?r?ndaki mülteci kontrolünde yer alan çe?itli organlarca gözard? edilemeyecek yayg?n insan haklar? ihlalleri gözlemledi.

Yunanistan’da birçok ma?dur, denizde ya da Avrupa topra??na ayak bast?ktan sonra bile Yunan sahil güvenlik görevlilerince geri gönderildiklerini rapor etmekte*.Bu ma?durlar istatistiklerde yer bulamaktad?r. Heyetimiz bu görünmez insanlar?n baz?lar?yla bulu?up sahil güvenlik görevlilerince kendilerine yönelik gerçekle?tirilen ?iddet hikâyelerinin detaylar?n? not edebildi: kötü muameleler (hamile kad?nlar ve çocuklar dahil olmak üzere), h?rs?zl?k (mücevher, para, cep telefonlar?), kimliklere el konulup ço?unlukla denize f?rlat?lmas? ve botlar?n Türk k?y?lar?na do?ru geri gönderilmesi.

Göç ve iltica alan?nda sürmekte olan ve Avrupa mahkemeleri taraf?ndan defalarca aleyhte hüküm verilen sistemik hatalar? ele almay? amaçlayan reformlar?n çal??mas? devam etmekte. Fakat göçmenlerin durdurulmas?ndaki sorumlulukta kar???kl?k hakim. Yunanistan topra??nda kalmay? ba?arabilenler kimlik tespiti sürecinde, refakatsiz çocuklar da dahil olmak üzere, yetkililer taraf?ndan sistematik bir ?ekilde gözalt?na al?n?yor-Yunanistan bu uygulama nedeniyle yak?n zamanda mahkum edildi. Serbest b?rak?lan göçmenlere bölgeyi 30 gün içinde terk etme emri veriliyor. Yunanistan bölgesinde hiçbir haklar? yok. Kabul edilen s???nma taleplerinin ise oran? çok dü?ük ve ?rkç? sald?r?lar giderek artmakta.

Afganlar, Irakl?lar, Somalililer, Sudanl?lar, Eritreal?lar, Suriyeliler ve Filistinliler Yunanistan ve Türkiye aras?nda kapana s?k??m?? durumda. Her iki ülke, Avrupa’n?n da deste?iyle, bu ki?ilerin varl???n? giderek artan ?ekildeki s?n?r kontrolü politikalar?n? hakl? göstermek için kullan?yor.

Türkiye’de Nisan 2013’de kabul edilen ve 2014 y?l? Nisan ay?nda yürürlü?e girecek olan Yabanc?lar ve Uluslararas? Koruma Kanunu mültecilerin ya?ad??? hak ihlalleriyle ilgili kayg?lar? azaltmak için küçük bir katk? sundu. Türkiye 1951 Cenevre Sözle?mesi’ne Avrupa d???ndan gelen s???nmac?lar?n taleplerini kabul etmemek koydu?u co?rafi çekinceyi sürdürüyor. Her ne kadar bir ilerleme i?areti olarak gösterilse de, yeni kanun Avrupa hukukunun birçok eksikli?ini (s???nma talepleri için h?zland?r?lm?? prosedürlerin kullan?m?n?n artt?r?lmas?; geri dönü?ü karara ba?lanmam?? ki?ilerin 12 aya kadar gözalt?nda tutulmas?) yeniden üretiyor. Bu reformlar Türkiye’nin, uluslararas? insan haklar? yükümlülüklerini kar??lamadan “Avrupa e?ilimini” benimsedi?inin bir i?areti. Özellikle gözalt? merkezlerindeki insanlar?n s???nma prosedürlerine zor eri?im, ki?isel verinin korunmas?na ili?kin yasan?n bulunmamas?, re?it olmayan ki?ilerin ve ailelerin gözalt?na al?nmas?, adli yard?ma eri?imin olmamas?, bir kaç ay önce bir kaç yüz Suriyelinin geri dönmeye zorlanmas?. En ciddi ihlaller aras?nda say?labilecekler: s???nma prosedürlerine eri?imin bilhassa gözetim merkezlerinde tutulan ki?iler için zorlu?u, ki?isel verilerin korunmas? ile ilgili yasalar?n yoklu?u, çocuklar?n ve ailelerin gözetim alt?nda tutulmas?, hukuku yard?ma eri?im eksikli?i. Türkiye’deki yetkililer ilk Suriyeli grup geldi?i andan itibaren yüzlerce s???nmac?y? Suriye’ye zorla geri göndermi?tir. Reformun etkisi uluslararas? yükümlülükleri kar??lamak için gerekli yap?sal eksikliklerle fakat ayn? zamanda Türkiye AB’ye girmek için herhangi bir yasal bir imkan? bulunmayan ki?ilerin nihai sorumlulu?unu üstlenmeye zorlanma gerçe?i ile s?n?rland?r?lm??t?r.

Avrupa ne yap?yor? Bu ihlallere ?ahitlik eden ve, en az?ndan dolayl? olarak, dahil olan Avrupa Birli?i S?n?r Güvenli?i, Frontex, ve onun arkas?ndaki Avrupa kurumlar?n?n pozisyonu nedir?

AB’nin Yunanistan deste?in son birkaç y?ld?r esas olarak Türkiye ve Yunanistan aras?ndaki deniz ve kara s?n?rlar?nda Frontex’in varl???n? güçlendirmeye odaklan?yor. Ancak, Frontex’in varl??? göçmenlerin kabulüne ili?kin zorlu ko?ullarda herhangi bir de?i?iklik yaratmad?. Ne de s?n?rlarda insan haklar? ihlalleri devam ederken mültecilerin bu rotay? kullanmas?n?n risklerini ele ald?.

Göçmenlerin Türkiye’deki son derece kötü durumunun AB ve Türkiye aras?nda bir geri kabul anla?mas?n?n müzakeresine, gözalt? merkezlerini in?as? için fon sa?lanmas?na, ya da Türk yetkililer ve Frontex aras?nda gelecekteki i?birli?i imkanlar?na bir engel te?kil etmedi?i görülüyor.

Geçti?imiz birkaç haftada Lampedusa k?y?lar?nda ya?anan trajedi Avrupa k?tas?na ula?maya çal??an göçmenlerin s?k?nt?l? durumlar?na ili?kin fark?ndal??? artt?rm?? gözüküyor. AB bu durumu ele almak için ?imdi Frontex’in kapasitesini artt?rmay? dü?ünüyor. Ancak, kurumlar?m?z göçmenlerin kötü ko?ullar?n?n ve kulland?klar? rotalar?n tehlikeli olmas?n?n özünün Avrupa bölgesine eri?imin alternatifi olmamas? ve Avrupa s?n?rlar? içerisindeki yetersiz kabul ko?ullar? ile yak?n ili?kili oldu?unu yorulmaks?z?n uyarmaktad?r.

Artt?r?lm?? s?n?r kontrolleri ya?amlar? kurtarm?yor fakat bunun yerine a??r insan haklar? ihlallerine ve hatta kad?n, erkek ve çocuklar?n ölümlerine yol aç?yor.

Heyet Raporu 2014’ün ilk çeyre?inde yay?mlanacakt?r.

FIDH, REMDH, Migreurop

Bu aç?klamay? destekleyen STK’lar.

ABCDS Oujda (Fas), AMDH (Moritanya), AMDH (Fas) , AME  (Mali), ARACEM (Mali), ARCI (?talya), CIRÉ  (Belçika), CNCD 11.11.11. (Belçika), Fasti (Fransa), GADEM (Fas), GISTI (Fransa), GRAMI AC (Kamerun’da yer alan a?), Justice Without Borders for Migrants (Avrupa-Afrika A??, La Cimade (Fransa), LDH Belçika, Progress Lawyer Network (Belçika)

* « Pushed back, systematic human rights violations against refugees in the Aegean sea and at the Greek Turkish borders”, Pro Asyl, novembre 2013
http://www.proasyl.de/fileadmin/fm-dam/l_EU_Fluechtlingspolitik/pushed_back_web_01.pdf